Executive Summary
Introduction
After the Hamas-led attacks of October 7, 2023, ended in the deadliest massacre for the Jewish people since the end of the Holocaust in 1945, Jews and Israelis, including those in the United States, expected an outpouring of sympathy and solidarity. Nevertheless, although most of the world’s countries did express those feelings, they would prove to be short-lived since those countries are now supporting a ceasefire whose unavoidable result would be to strengthen Hamas and reward it for its actions, even as around fifty Israeli hostages are still considered to be living and even as Israel has faced aggression on all its territory, which has even led to population displacement.[1]
In the United States itself, home to the Jewish diaspora’s largest community, a significant spike in anti-Semitism flooded the nation’s streets and universities and left many Jews wondering whether the country in which they had placed their hopes for a better future would merely turn to into another way station in tune with their historical pattern of immigration, accommodation, persecution, and exile. Even on October 7 itself, there were calls for Israel, still being attacked, to show restraint. But even more startling was the elation that many people, mainly on the political left, expressed, even to the extent of justifying rape, murder, abduction, and plunder as legitimate forms of resistance in the demonstrations that they staged. Physical violence against Jews became increasingly common, even to the point of causing death, while intimidation and discrimination surfaced, as recent university encampments testify, resulting in many Jews wary of publicly showing Jewish symbols or attending Jewish events. Nevertheless, these actions were merely the tip of the iceberg. Although these patently egregious anti-Jewish actions shocked many, they would not have surprised an informed observer.
Backing these actions in the United States, there is a network sanitizing Hamas’ actions that encompasses businesses, NGOs, legal funds, political and student activists, academics, journalists, left-leaning donors, and Islamist-affiliated countries. The network has ironclad historical links to Hamas, dating back to its early beginnings, and has consistently expressed sympathy for the Muslim Brotherhood. Despite the network’s breadth and complexity, deciphering it in order to dismantle it should not have been a difficult task. In the early and mid-2000s, the federal government proved capable of detecting the terrorist links of the Holy Land Foundation (HLF), the Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP), and the KindHearts Foundation. However, interest in dismantling these organizations waned as the War on Terror subsided.[2] This is why we see, nowadays, as Jonathan Schanzer of the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies (FDD) has pointed out, that many of the people who had participated in organizations that the federal government disbanded are still active and able to influence public policy, especially through the closely connected organizations American Muslims for Palestine (AMP) and the US Campaign for Palestinian Rights (USCRP).[3] Defining the contours of that network and figuring out its modus operandi is paramount for defending American citizens and allies worldwide.
This paper will seek to establish the existence of such a network. It will first connect the structure and actions of AMP and its close relations with USCRP to US-banned terror-supporting organizations. Thereafter, it will delve into USCRP’s connections to the most prominent pro-Palestinian organizations within the United States. Following this, the paper will describe the activities of MPower Change and the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR). Returning to AMP’s activities, the role of Hatem Bazian in heading Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP), in strategically placing its students in politics and media positions, and in engaging in lawfare through the Muslim Legal Fund of America (MLFA) to accuse SJP’s critics of unfounded Islamophobia will come under review. So will his consistent links to Qatar and Turkey, his sympathies for Iran, and his active connections to international academics, including those in Gaza and Judea and Samaria (the West Bank). The paper will then pivot to The Jerusalem Fund’s consistent role as a feeder NGO for USCPR, as a successful entity for placing foreign academics in the American professoriate and strengthening the Qatari campuses of American universities, and as a pathway for America’s Hamas network to reach Gaza and the West Bank almost unnoticed. It will also detect one strange Jerusalem Fund (JF) connection to the current Gaza War. The paper will also mention the connection between the Qatari campuses of American universities, the replacement of HLF and IAP by AMP, and Qatari money in college campuses within the United States. Thereafter, the paper will shift to examining MLFA’s possible connection to a Hezbollah network in Latin America. Interspersed with the network’s structure will be accounts of its donors. Finally, after establishing the existence of an Islamist network supporting and financing Hamas within the United States, this paper will plead for further congressional investigations to ensure that the United States promptly acts.
Figure 1.[4]
Figure 2.[5]
Figure 3. Organizational Chart of America’s Hamas Network
Figure 4.
Figure 5.
American Muslims for Palestine (AMP)
The center of Hamas’ American network is known as American Muslims for Palestine (AMP). The roots of this organization are in the Holy Land Foundation (HLF), the Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP), and KindHearts. The HLF’s establishment by Palestinian American Mousa Abu Marzook dates to 1989, two years after Hamas’ creation in 1987 during the violent wave of the First Intifada.[6] Because of his involvement with Hamas, Marzook fled to Jordan in 1995, as the Oslo Accords were in the first phases of their implementation.[7] In spite of this, HLF remained the United States’ largest Islamic charity organization.[8] This would change in the aftermath of the 9/11 terror attacks and the beginning of the War on Terror.
In December 2001, the federal government froze HLF’s assets and took it out. However, IAP, where Marzook had also been involved, was still providing material support for Hamas, as HLF had done.[9] IAP was an organization whose appearance dates back to 1981.[10] In 2000, the family of David Boim, an American citizen who was studying abroad in Israel and whom Hamas murdered in 1996, sued IAP in Illinois’ Northern District for having provided Hamas with material support.[11] The judicial case continued during the 2000s and reached a final verdict in 2008 when the judge in charge awarded the Boim family a compensation package of $156 million.[12] In 2012, the judge upheld the verdict one more time.[13] Nevertheless, the Boim family never received the package because IAP had disbanded during that time.[14]
In 2006, the federal government discovered that a foundation known as KindHearts, which fundraises with the IAP, had taken over HLF’s overseas bank account. Therefore, given that KindHearts had stood out in 2002 as a source of funding for al-Qaeda—leading to sanctions in the United States—the federal government took over KindHeart’s bank accounts.[15] The organization would later dissolve in 2011.[16]
During this time, it is important to remark that important AMP members, current and former, like Osama Abuirshaid, Abdelbasat Hamayel, and Hatem Bazian, worked at IAP. Moreover, Hatem Bazian had also engaged in fundraising for KindHearts.[17] However, what can most establish a connection between these organizations and AMP is that AMP’s first appearance dates to the same year when the federal government seized KindHearts’ assets. Despite this, and despite sharing many people in its hierarchy with the network that HLF, IAP, and Kindhearts formed, AMP went undetected. It decoupled from the old Muslim Brotherhood system, rendering tracking more convoluted for anyone attempting to do so and rendering prosecution more difficult because the mere association between its cadres and the former Muslim Brotherhood network left ample room for legal deniability.[18]
For this reason, the cases the Boim family started in 2017 and 2020 against American Muslims for Palestine saw a more favorable playing field for the American Hamas network; the courts dismissed both.[19] However, a 2022 decision by Judge Gary Feinerman rejected AMP’s motion to dismiss that case.[20] Nevertheless, AMP has still been able to maneuver and provide moral and material support for Hamas relatively unmolested.
According to its website, AMP seeks to “educate, organize, and mobilize the Muslim-American community, as well as its allies in other communities, to advance Palestinian rights.”[21] Although AMP’s current headquarters are in Falls Church, Virginia, they originally were located in Palos Hills, Illinois, where IAP had its central offices.[22] One aspect that AMP looks to emphasize is the presumed exclusively American character of its donations and its public fundraisers, occurring at least twice a year, which allow it to negate any foreign links and pose as a spontaneous, grassroots effort to support Palestinian Arabs.[23] AMP’s chapters are strategically distributed throughout the United States to reach every region of the country quickly. Surprisingly, there is no chapter in Washington, DC, but there is a chapter in the Bay Area region: the location of Students for Justice in Palestine’s first chapter.[24]
Currently, Osama Abuirshaid, who had previously worked at IAP and run its internal newspaper Al-Zaytouna—with a strikingly similar name to Hatem Bazian’s Zaytuna College—is AMP’s Executive Director.[25] Taher Herzallah is AMP’s Director of Outreach and Grassroots Organizing, organizing students and activist groups nationally by procuring “grants, materials, and speakers,” and “helping students set up programs and activities.” He has been under arrest twice for protesting former Israeli Ambassador to the United States Michael Oren and former American Ambassador to Israel David Friedman.[26] Hatem Bazian, who had also worked for IAP and founded Students for Justice in Palestine’s first chapter at UC Berkeley, is the Chairman of AMP’s National Board.[27]
Other board members include Shakeel Sayed, Munjed Ahmed, and Salah Sarsour.[28] Shakeel Sayed is the Executive Director of the South Asian Network (SAN), which supposedly advocates for the South Asian community, which includes Indian, Pakistani, and Bangladeshi Americans.[29] Surprisingly, Sayed’s profile on SAN’s website does not list his AMP activities but recognizes his previous service on the board of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and his ongoing service as a prison chaplain.[30]
Based near Milwaukee are Munjed Ahmed and Salah Sarsour. Ahmed is one of the co-founders of the legal firm Ahmad & Guerard.[31] Meanwhile, Salah Sarsour leads AMP’s 501(c)(3) arm, called Americans for Justice in Palestine Educational Foundation (AJP), and owns a furniture store in the Milwaukee metropolitan area. Israel placed him under arrest for Hamas activity during the 1990s. Sarsour had used his furniture store’s bank account to send money to Adel Awadallah, a Hamas leader. He continues to own a furniture store that advertises at AMP’s conferences.[32] He is a relative of MPower Change and former Women’s March leader Linda Sarsour.[33] According to George Washington University specialist Lorenzo Vidino, a common denominator concerning the leadership of the United States’ Hamas network is the presence of “kinship and/or business ties,” previous trust, and common origins in “the same towns.”[34] According to Jonathan Schanzer, AJP Action is AJP Educational Foundation’s lobbying arm in Congress.[35] As this paper will later explain, AMP bolstered Students for Justice in Palestine (and also the Jewish Voice for Peace).[36] Now that AMP’s structure is clear, this paper will elaborate on the tight links between AMP and the network’s other chief node.
US Campaign for Palestinian Rights (USCPR)
Coordinating most pro-Palestinian organizations, whether Muslim or not, within the United States is USCPR. A quick search on their website shows that it partners with, and thereby connects, the network’s most prominent organizations, including AMP (its most outstanding partner), the Jerusalem Fund (JF), the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), and Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP). Included are also organizations like the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, some American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) chapters, a few Jewish Voice for Peace chapters, some Christian congregations, interfaith councils, and others. It also lists WESPAC, which is a well-known funder of leftist causes.[37] USCPR is therefore associated with most of the pro-Palestinian protests that have occurred since October 7, and many of its organizations have lent their support to the recent university encampments that have threatened the safety and physical and psychological well-being of Jewish students.
Funded by the Open Society Foundations and by the Rockefeller Brothers Foundation, USCPR’s actions have become increasingly aggressive in their scope.[38] USCPR’s planned activities for the summer of 2024 include shutting down transit in Washington, DC in July and disrupting the Democratic National Convention in Chicago in late August.[39] Additionally, they are continuously attempting boycotts and divestment actions in line with the boycott, sanctions, and divestment (BDS) campaign and even passing knowledge on how best to disturb members of Congress during their holiday recess.[40] In April 2024, as per Executive Director Ahmad Abuznaid’s Instagram page, USCPR attempted to launch a “freedom flotilla” echoing the actions of the Navi Marmara in 2010.[41] AMP members Osama Abuirshaid and Taher Herzallah have appeared as USCRP speakers.[42] So has Linda Sarsour.[43] Although USCPR’s central offices are not in Palos Hills, some of its conferences, with the participation of the public and part of the network, have still taken place in the Alhambra Palace Restaurant, also in the Chicago metropolitan area.[44]
In what could perhaps amount to an effort to extricate USCRP from almost automatic association with AMP, its 2023 annual report, published in late November, shows that USCPR, a 501(c)(3) organization, launched a 501(c)(4) sister entity named USCPR Action to ensure that it could increase its engagement in lobbying, publicly endorse candidates and create a Political Action Committee (PAC).[45] Given MPower Change’s diminished activities in progressive political circles compared to the late 2010s despite Linda Sarsour’s continued appearances, USCPR Action could also achieve enmeshing itself inside the Democratic Party’s base.
Within the American Hamas network, USCRP is the entity that coordinates the most with JF, which, as this paper shall later reveal, handles the brunt of its international outreach.[46] Otherwise, JF would only appear to have residual links to the rest of the network. However, what is pertinent for this section is that, historically, JF has served as a feeder organization for USCPR. For example, JF’s former Executive Director Yousef Munayyer (2009-2014) partakes in USCPR’s advisory board.[47] So do Noura Erakat and Fayrouz Sharqawi, who have personally contributed to JF events.[48] Incidentally, Tamar Ghabin, a former intern at JF, was also the Government Affairs Associate at USCPR.[49] However, since JF handles most of the network’s international connections, this paper will focus on its relevant domestic members before turning abroad. For this motive, it will analyze CAIR and MPower Change.
CAIR
CAIR’s stated goal is to fight for Muslim civil liberties by promoting a positive image of Islam and Muslims in the United States. It has chapters in at least 20 states, the earliest of which it established in Northern California. CAIR purports to be a non-profit organization whose main funds come from Muslim communities within the United States. In order to achieve its objectives, CAIR works with local and national media to look for positive portrayals of Muslims and works to fight what it qualifies as “Islamophobia:” “religious discrimination, defamation, or hate crimes.”[50] It also has a department named Islamophobia Watch to target what it considers negative depictions of Muslims and Islam.[51] Since 2020, CAIR’s website has featured a manual on demonstrators’ rights, which includes a specific section related to immigrants that mentions the rights to refuse to show identification documents and the right not to speak about one’s immigration status.[52] It is true that, besides its stated domestic goals, CAIR has consistently taken a pro-Palestinian position and energetically condemned Israeli actions and that CAIR has supported the recent university encampments that have targeted Jewish students and expressed its assessment of Israel’s war against Hamas as a “genocide,” just like USCPR.[53] However, despite these positions, CAIR could appear to be a simple civil rights organization with origins in the United States. This could not be farther from reality.
According to a 2008 report by Zeyno Baran, from the Hudson Institute, the origins of CAIR date to a 1993 meeting in Philadelphia that was decisive in helping America’s Islamist network, based on the HLF and the IAP, transition from its crystal-clear links to Hamas to having deniability about them. That encounter, which reportedly ensured its participants only referenced Hamas by saying its name backward (“Samah”), proved to be the impetus for building different organizations. That coincides with CAIR’s founding one year later, in 1994, by Omar Ahmad, who was present at the Philadelphia meeting and who, still at that time, declared his support for Hamas, according to congressional testimony.[54]
Some of CAIR’s most outstanding profiles throughout its history, like those of Omar Ahmad, Nihad Awad, and Rafiq Jabir, were among IAP’s leaders. Among them, Nihad Awad is still working for CAIR as part of the National Board.[55] Part of it may have been because of his political involvement, starting with the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing and continuing with the late and early phases of the Clinton and Bush administrations, respectively. His description on CAIR’s website does not list any significant political activity after 2002.[56] Ibrahim Hooper, “CAIR’s spokesman” from “its founding in 1994,” is another remarkable individual working at CAIR and helped establish the presence of an Islamist network in the United States.[57] Before being CAIR’s Communication Director, Hooper had declared his desire for an Islamic state in 1993 and had worked for IAP.[58] He currently maintains close links to AMP’s Hatem Bazian—who also worked for IAP—as Hooper’s Twitter posts evidence.[59] Moreover, CAIR’s staff has a history of anti-Semitic statements. In 2021, CAIR’s San Francisco Chapter Director Zahra Billoo called for monitoring synagogues and organizations like Hillel and the Anti-Defamation League (ADL).[60]
Moreover, there are reasons to believe that CAIR’s funding is not entirely local since, despite having asserted it received no foreign funding in late 2001, CAIR had received around $5 million from global contributions in the form of donations from the Islamic Development Bank and the World Assembly of Muslim Youth, among other organizations. In 1996, CAIR opened its first offices with the help of a $5,000 HLF grant.[61] According to a report from the Daily Caller dating from 2013, CAIR reported $405,000 from Qatar in its Form 1023.[62] In 2011, Congressman Frank Wolf even presented a letter in which director Nihad Awad had asked for funding from Muammar Gaddhafi’s Libya.[63]
Furthermore, CAIR has faced reprisals because of actions that look pro-Hamas. In 2009, the FBI temporarily stopped working with it because of concerns about possible links to Hamas.[64] In 2014, the United Arab Emirates named CAIR a terrorist organization despite CAIR’s previous donations from the UAE, according to The Daily Caller.[65] In December 2023, the White House disowned CAIR’s director Nihad Awad after he referred to the October 7 massacre as an act of “self-defense.”[66] After this examination of CAIR, the next node in the network that this paper will review shall be MPower Change.
MPower Change
If CAIR’s stated objective is to protect the American Muslim community, MPower Change aims to convey that collective’s preferences outwards and directly exert influence within the American political system. Launched in 2016 by Mark Crain, Dustin Craun, and Linda Sarsour, a relative of AMP’s Salah Sarsour and frequent participant at AMP’s conferences such as one in 2019, MPower Change looks to shape “local, state and national policies” based on Muslims’ “faith values.”[67] In practice, MPower Change links the Hamas network to activism within the progressive wing of the Democratic Party, just like and the Tides- and WESPAC-sponsored Adalah Justice Project.[68] For instance, Executive Director Linda Sarsour organized the Women’s March in 2017 on the day after President Trump’s inauguration and was one of the loudest voices to oppose Trump’s travel ban.[69] In 2020, MPower Change supported Bernie Sanders during the Democratic primaries.[70] To cite another example, Operations Manager Binita Zaman worked designing drug policy in the Open Society Foundations.[71] Furthermore, Mark Crain has worked with MoveOn.org and was part of President Obama’s 2012 reelection campaign.[72]
In terms of the money it receives, MPower Change is a project of NEO Philanthropy, a known funder of leftist causes that has received money from the Carnegie Corporation, the Ford Foundation, the Open Society Foundations, Atlantic Philanthropies, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, and the Pew Trust.[73] The Proteus Fund has also engaged in fundraising efforts for MPower Change.[74] Given that this work has now reviewed two of the most renowned organizations that USCPR oversees, the paper will now return to AMP’s activities by centering on the role of Hatem Bazian in heading SJP.
Hatem Bazian, SJP, And His Other Work
Within the American Hamas network, Hatem Bazian, professor at UC Berkeley and Chairman of the National Board of AMP, is keenly associated with the movements that have harassed and terrorized Jewish students in American colleges.[75] He has also led the charge in whitewashing these movements’ actions and helping acquit almost all its members from academic, legal, or labor-related sanctions and consequences. In 1993, the same year as the Philadelphia meeting, Bazian helped found the first SJP chapter in Northern California. Although the organization faltered during the late 1990s, Bazian revived SJP in 2000 and made it an offshoot of a previous organization allied to Yasser Arafat: the General Union of Palestinian Students (GUPS).[76] Despite its initial success at UC Berkeley, SJP did not gain national renown until the 2010s, its consistent expansion in university campuses notwithstanding. In 2011, SJP held its first conference.[77] It currently has at least 200 chapters.[78] According to its estimates, SJP could support at least 350 pro-Palestinian organizations.[79]
As expected, SJP has toiled to promote the BDS movement and to sponsor the university encampments that have consistently praised Hamas’ actions and thereby taken anti-Jewish hatred to a new level. According to a report from Haaretz, SJP members are encouraged to cover their faces with masks or kufiyas, avoid showing their identity on social media, and avoid carrying any identifying documents.[80] Among SJP’s principal funders are AMP and the politically progressive WESPAC foundation.[81] It is worth pointing out that WESPAC has also donated to Within Our Lifetime, an institution that has propagated anti-Semitic demonstrations in New York City.[82] Left-wing funding agencies such as the Tides Foundation and the Elias Foundation have figured among WESPAC’s chief donors. Moreover, some SJP members are linked to the terrorist Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP).[83] PFLP is a Marxist-Leninist group that participated in the October 7 massacres and that some countries consider a terrorist organization.
SJP’s meteoric reach may have proved difficult without Bazian’s AMP connections and prolific undertakings. As a professor, Bazian is a member of Al-Shabaka: a network—with some ties to the Jerusalem Fund—that links academics favorable to the Palestinian cause in the Middle East, North America, and Europe and seeks to favor the Palestinians in crafting public policy.[84] Because of this kind of work, and because the typical tasks of a scholar demand conferring with other colleagues to exchange impressions, Bazian is singularly well-placed to help expand SJP’s reach in US university campuses. This is partly why 2024 saw the emergence of Faculty for Justice in Palestine (FJP): a group of college professors that grew from 82 chapters in February 2024—when its existence became public knowledge—to 95 chapters in April 2024.[85] However, to confine Bazian’s work to spreading pro-Palestinian ideology in universities across the United States would be to limit the amount of his tireless efforts.
Hatem Bazian has not only coordinated American colleges; he has also founded one. In 2009, in his city of Berkeley, Bazian established Zaytuna College, the United States’ first Muslim liberal arts college, as its website states.[86] Zaytuna’s declared aim is to train graduates in Islamic values while connecting them to modern society.[87] In explaining his thoughts, Bazian seeks to connect Zaytuna to Martin Luther King, Jr. and the civil rights struggle, as part of an initiative to train its graduates in Islamic values connected to modern society.[88] He also qualifies the Quran and the hadith as sciences.[89]
In the summer of 2015, Zaytuna moved to a campus in the Holy Hill neighborhood, adjacent to UC Berkeley.[90] In 2010, Zaytuna sought accreditation as a higher education institution; the Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC) awarded it in 2015. In 2018, WASC approved Zaytuna’s Master of Arts in Islamic Texts program in addition to its Bachelor of Arts in Liberal and Islamic Studies program and, in 2020, renewed Zaytuna’s accreditation until 2028.[91]
Before 2020, Zaytuna registered a graduation rate of around 65% for its undergraduate program; by 2020, it had a cumulative retention rate of 74%.[92] Zaytuna’s curriculum has its bases on the Latin trivium and Islamic texts.[93] Oddly enough, it also requires some proficiency in swimming, horseback riding, and archery, based on Muhammad’s example (sunna).[94] Tuition seems to be less expensive than in other American colleges. An undergraduate degree costs $20,000; a graduate degree, $30,000.[95] For international students, Zaytuna accepts them but imposes the additional requirement of demonstrating fluency in the language, which could limit almost all of the applicant pool to Middle Eastern people, which would not be exceptional given Zaytuna’s Islamic content.[96] More than half of Zaytuna’s graduate pool (55%) pursue further graduate study, while 35% work in education and 18% work in community service.[97] Zaytuna’s ideal alumnus is an Islamic scholar, which could help the network produce imams within the United States and thus dispense with the need to hire many from abroad, even though some of its videos have seen Zaytuna attempt to dispel the idea that it serves as a madrasa.[98]
Bazian’s work extends from education to journalism and public relations. In his journalistic work, his connections to Turkey and Qatar are telling. Bazian is a weekly columnist for Sabah, a newspaper in Turkey that the Erdogan government seized in 2007 and later sold to a chosen company (the Kalyon Group) in 2013.[99] Kalyon has worked with Erdogan to build Istanbul’s subway system and has developed Gezi Park.[100] The articles that Bazian’s website displays, starting in 2012, show he has written for the Anadolu Agency, Turkey Agenda, and Al Jazeera, besides his work for Sabah.[101] It is worth noting that the Anadolu Agency and Al Jazeera are media companies with state funding from Turkey and Qatar, respectively. Those links show possible Qatari and Turkish financing for his activities.
As expected, Bazian’s articles embody the network’s standard positions, such as advancing an unapologetically pro-Palestinian position and accusing Israel of genocide.[102] Among Bazian’s articles are repeated rejections of President Trump’s attempts to contain Iran’s nuclear program and a lack of concern regarding Saddam Hussein in an article opposing American intervention in Iran, in which he asserted that, just like Iraq, Iran was a victim of the United States.[103] Like the Jerusalem Fund, Bazian has also expressed strong support for the vision of Edward Said.[104] Bazian has occasionally proffered anti-Jewish statements. According to Professor Watchlist, Bazian has spewed openly anti-Semitic positions, called for an intifada, and even quoted a hadith calling for the slaughter of all of the world’s Jews in 1999, as reported by the Detroit Free Press in 2004.[105] According to The Jewish News of Southern California, in 2002, Bazian even insinuated that Jews had orchestrated the arrest of 79 SJP members who disputed a Holocaust Remembrance Day event at UC Berkeley.[106]
Bazian’s endeavors have also implied that he has combatted what he regards as negative images of Muslims and has prioritized assisting them instead. For this reason, Bazian headed the Islamic Scholarship Fund (ISF) from 2011 to 2018 and is still involved in its Public Policy Council.[107] Bazian also directs the Islamophobia Monitor, the Muslim Legal Fund of America (MLFA), and the Islamophobia Research and Documentation Project (IRDP).[108]
ISF’s mission is to place Muslim students in strategic places in media, politics, film, and law through an incubator model that prioritizes career counseling, mentorship, internships, and fellowships. Scholarships for Muslim students are the centerpiece of this model.[109] Famous Muslim organizations and individuals like CAIR—whose employee Zahra Billoo is also part of ISF’s Law Council—and Linda Sarsour offer financial aid to Muslim interns within ISF’s framework.[110] The ISF itself hands its interns the opportunity to have firsthand experience in Congress and the Judiciary. ISF strictly restricts its grants and stipends to American citizens, permanent residents, and DACA recipients.[111] Mindful of its goals, the ISF also limits its financial aid to law, media, policy, and film majors only.[112] The outcomes for ISF scholarships have been outstanding. For example, an ISF graduate (Abdullah Hasan) was President Biden’s Assistant Press Secretary from 2022 to 2023, when he joined law school in the summer.[113] Omar Shakir was also a graduate and has served as Israel and Palestine Director for Human Rights Watch (HRW) since 2016, especially pertinent in the current geopolitical context, given HRW’s disproportionate focus on Israel.[114]
The MLFA is another one of Bazian’s contributions to the network. It precisely alludes to its quest of “fighting for national security reform” and “upholding and establishing justice in our courtrooms and communities for Muslims in America” through legal litigation. In the national security realm, the MLFA specifically targets “travel restrictions, immigration denials, bank account closures, extra scrutiny of nonprofit work [and] (…) unjust prosecutions and unfair trials.”[115] It currently registers at least 110 standing court cases.[116] Among its actions, the MLFA directly mentions congressional inquiries into AMP, which it staunchly defends, as part of its strategic priority to “protect [and] strengthen the Muslim nonprofit community.”[117] Together with CAIR and the U.S. Council of Muslim Organizations (USCMO), it is launching the “Student Lawyer Campus Defense Initiative” to ensure that previously arrested university encampment demonstrators are spared the legal consequences of their actions.[118] This complements the work of other organizations such as Rockefeller-funded and Tides-sponsored Palestine Legal.[119] As this initiative demonstrates, the MLFA enjoys active support from the network’s other members, including Linda Sarsour, who sent them a statement lauding their work and on whose memoir the MLFA has reported.[120]
For the MLFA, donor information is opaque. All of their four donor engagement associates are Latinas, except for one. Information about them is limited, compared to the other team members.[121] One of them, Nataly Castaño, studied at the Free University of Pereira, Colombia. Strangely enough, Castaño was a flight attendant at Emirates and currently works remotely from a hostel in the outskirts of Pereira, handling her work through a company named Intuitive Solutions, according to her LinkedIn profile.[122] Since work related to getting donors usually involves in-person relationships, Castaño’s location outside of the United States is astonishing. The other two Latina donor engagement associates have LinkedIn profiles that are either nonexistent or difficult to trace. Their names are Manuela Jaramillo and Tatiana Osorio.[123] Since Jaramillo is a surname generally occurring within Colombia, one may deduce that Manuela Jaramillo is Colombian.[124] One could, therefore, also infer that Tatiana Osorio is Colombian. Later, this paper shall explain how the Hamas network could be using MLFA’s mainly Colombian funding associates to feed off Hezbollah’s Latin American and Lebanese diaspora links.
The Islamophobia Monitor is affiliated with CAIR. Information about the Islamophobia Monitor revealed that it maintains a blacklist of “Islamophobic” individuals and organizations.[125] According to Bazian’s official webpage, he also heads the Dollar for Deen charity.[126] Nevertheless, Dollar for Deen’s last reported activity happened in 2015, according to ProPublica and Cause IQ.[127] It is also thus on the IRS’s 990 Tax Forms.[128] In June 2024, IRDP’s website seemed to be in repair, but a quick search on Bazian’s website shows that he founded IRDP in 2009.[129] Bazian has also founded the bi-annual Islamophobic Studies Journal.[130]
As Bazian’s work shows, he oversees organizations within the Hamas network that terrorize Jewish and pro-Israel students, place their members in policymaking positions, and employ lawfare to accuse anyone opposing that ploy of “Islamophobia.” Consequently, he is the network’s main link in the educational realm, though not the only one. This paper shall now pivot to JF and explain how it constitutes the network’s main international liaison despite its limited links to the rest of the other institutions that belong to it.
The JF Component
Although inconspicuous and not as reviewed as other organizations, aside from joint statements against Israeli actions with organizations such as AMP, MPower Change, CAIR, and SJP, the institution whose full name is the Jerusalem Fund for Education and Community Development, is a prominent part of the Islamist network in the United States. A 501(c)(3) non-profit organization that Georgetown University professor Hisham Sharabi founded as the American Palestine Educational Foundation, it originally “provided scholarships provided scholarships to Palestinian university students for study in Israel, the West Bank, and abroad.”[131] In 1981, JF adopted its current name and expanded its focus to culture, health, and community service. In the late 1980s, during the First Intifada, the time in which the Muslim Brotherhood established Hamas, JF started sending grants to Palestinian institutions in the West Bank, Gaza, and nearby countries with refugee camps through what it now terms the Humanitarian Link program, which continues. In 1991, JF created a think tank called the Center for Policy Analysis on Palestine (CPAP), whose name it would modify to the Palestine Center in 2002. JF’s third pillar is Gallery al-Quds, which focuses on Palestinian Arab art, music, literature, and film.[132]
Physicians currently make up most of JF’s Board of Directors, although there are a few university professors and attorneys. In the Board, two profiles stand out. One is Samera Sood, who represented the Al-Awda organization at the 2008 UNESCO International Conference in Paris.[133] Al-Awda, another 501(c)(3) organization, supports a “right of return” that includes a “return to their homes and lands of origin, and to full restitution of all their confiscated and destroyed property,” which would mean an upheaval in modern Israel and prevent Jews from exercising sovereignty in their only country in the world.[134] It has also supported the Houthi blockade of shipping traffic through the Red Sea.[135] Al-Awda only grants scholarship money to Palestinian Arabs living in Lebanon, using the Al-Awda Refugee Educational Fund.[136] The organization is affiliated with the Jericho Movement.[137] The Jericho Movement calls for an amnesty for “political prisoners” that the United States supposedly incarcerates and traces its source to requests for the release of Jalil Muntaqim, a former Black Liberation Army (BLA) and Black Panther Party (BPP) member who received a sentence for first-degree murder because of the death of two New York City police officers.[138] The Jericho Movement also considers the October 7 massacre a “response to the attack on Gaza,” negates the existence of Israel, and believes that all Arabs displaced since 1947 should come back to the territory of the former British Mandate because of its links with Al-Awda.[139]
The other profile that stands out from JF’s Board of Directors is Tawfik Ramadan, a pediatrician in Oklahoma who has directly worked for the The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) in “‘Palestine’ and Jordan.”[140] Notably enough, Israel has discovered that many UNRWA personnel members and facilities have participated in supporting Hamas’ war effort. As these ties demonstrate, JF’s board is linked to Hamas sympathizers and operatives.
Among JF’s former and current members, Jehad Abusalim is distinctive. Despite living in the United States, Abusalim’s work deals mainly with Gazan affairs. His university studies began at Al-Azhar University, known for its Islamist sympathies. Abusalim was a student of Business Administration between 2007—one year after Hamas’ takeover—and 2012 and a student of Hebrew from 2012 to 2013. During that time, he began his tireless work for pro-Palestinian NGOs. Between July and August 2009, he collaborated with the Arab World for Research and Development. After August 2009, he collaborated with Birzeit University’s Center of Development Studies until the end of the year. For the informed observer, Birzeit University, located in the West Bank, is famous for its militant student body, whose affiliation mainly lies with Hamas, popular among Palestinian youth because of its strident opposition to Mahmoud Abbas’ ossified rule. Another important line of work Abusalim had was at the Gaza-based Pal-Think for Strategic Studies between January 2010 and September 2011. Between November 2011 and May 2012, he worked at the Hadaf Center for Human Rights. For one year, he then was the Office Manager of the President of the University of Palestine. Since Hamas has governed Gaza under a totalitarian regime that integrates every profession and leaves no room for dissent, Abusalim certainly enjoyed Hamas’ acquiescence to his participation in all the aforementioned activities.[141]
Between 2013 and 2016, Abusalim’s profile strangely shows no work or educational experience. By 2016, Abusalim had moved to the United States and begun his doctoral studies at New York University (NYU), which he concluded in 2023. During that period, he polished his Hebrew language skills during summer at the Middlebury Language Schools. Between 2016 and 2020, Abusalim was a Research Assistant at NYU. He also worked at the Foundation For Middle East Peace (2022-2023) and AFSC—explicitly part of USCRP’s affiliated institutions—as the Education and Policy Coordinator (2018-2023).[142]
Between March 2023 and June 2024, Abusalim was JF’s Executive Director.[143] Throughout his tenure, Abusalim frequently graced the panels of television networks like CNN and Al Jazeera, the latter of which has state funding from Qatar.[144] The date on which Abusalim resigned was June 15, a Saturday. Reports of his resignation only emerged on Monday, June 17. They listed that “citing the need to prioritize his family as they navigate the challenges of displacement following the war, Mr. Abusalim has stepped down.” Indeed, according to JF’s website, which still lacks an update to reflect Abusalim’s departure as Executive Director, Abusalim’s family “continues to live in Gaza.”[145]
Nevertheless, Abusalim started another role at the Institute for Palestine Studies (IPS) one week later, where he also held the position of Executive Director.[146] Therefore, Abusalim’s purported need to resign from work to tend to his family appears deceitful. A glance at Abusalim’s new workplace could help one understand his resignation. Besides its Washington, DC office, IPS is also present in Ramallah. It is also present in Beirut, where it started in 1963. In these three cities, IPS has published pro-Palestinian academic journals. In addition, IPS has also had a presence in Paris.[147] Taking Abusalim’s Gazan credentials into account and increased tensions between Israel and Lebanon, Abusalim’s job switch may be related to the situation on the ground. Furthermore, one fact that indicates that Abusalim is part and parcel of America’s Islamist network is that a USPhoneBook search for Jehad Abusalim, living in Washington, DC, points out an address in Palos Hills, Illinois: the site of AMP’s first offices.[148]
Within JF, Tarek Nasr has handled Abusalim’s resignation and the applications for his replacement since June 3, 2024.[149] Nasr has worked at American University and interned at JF in 2021. In his LinkedIn profile, he currently lists part-time work at the Elephant in the Room Initiative, surprisingly related to mental health and based in Orange, California. He lists no further involvement with JF.[150]
Because of its work, JF maintains a consistent connection to people from Gaza. One such example is Yousef Aljamal, whom JF hosted as a speaker at one of its conferences in 2019.[151] Born in Gaza, he studied at the University of Malaya (in Malaysia) and obtained his PhD from Sakarya University (in Turkey).[152] Just as Jehad Abusalim had once done, Aljamal works for AFSC.[153]
As the paper has demonstrated, JF’s staff has the most ties to Palestinian Arabs within the network. Presently, JF’s Humanitarian Link program focuses on Palestinian Arabs living in the West Bank, Gaza, Jerusalem, and the refugee camps of Lebanon and Syria. According to the organization’s 990 tax forms, it allocated $856,005 to the Palestinian Diabetes Institute and $118,513 to its other grants.[154] Some of the beneficiaries have been American Friends of UNRWA, the Islamic Charitable Society of Beit Sahour, MÉDITÉRRANÉE SOLIDARITÉ, the Jabalya Rehabilitation Society, the Break the Science Mural and Art Project, and others. It seems that JF once invested money within the territory Israel held before 1967. Its website lists the Committee for the Advancement of Arab Education, based in Haifa, as a past grantee.[155] JF may have stopped this line of work altogether. With the precedent of previous cases, it is not impossible to argue that Hamas itself or some associated individuals may have taken over some of Humanitarian Link’s earmarked aid.
The links of some of JF’s members to the Muslim Brotherhood’s chief state sponsor, Qatar, are glaring. Many JF board members with professoriate positions have hailed from Georgetown University, whose School of Foreign Service has a campus in Doha. In 2015, the Jerusalem fund hired Edmund Ghareeb, who currently teaches at American University and George Washington University, as a Senior Scholar. Ghareeb had previously taught at Georgetown University in Qatar, as well as its flagship Washington, DC campus.[156] In February 2024, he still was a Senior Scholar at JF.[157] JF’s founder himself and Chairman of the Board from 1977 until he died in 2015, Hisham Sharabi, also taught at Georgetown and founded the Center for Contemporary Arab Studies at that same university. JF also enjoys significant links to other Gulf countries. Samih Farsoun, another of JF’s first members, solidified the American University of Kuwait (not affiliated with its Washington, DC namesake) after having taught at American University until he died in 2005.[158]
As previously explored, JF’s Georgetown connections are strong. Therefore, it is not unusual for people affiliated with that university to receive accolades from JF, as was the case for Halim Barakat in 2017.[159] As befits a large organization, JF’s exclusive association is not with Georgetown. However, JF’s relationships are tighter with some universities than with others. JF’s main rapports outside of Georgetown are with the George Mason, American, and George Washington universities.
Additionally, JF also holds strong ties to Middle Eastern universities. As a case in point, JF invited the President of Birzeit University to speak in 2018.[160] Plausibly, JF could be instrumental in connecting pro-Palestinian students from the United States and abroad to institutions of higher learning within the United States and thereby facilitate academic opportunities for them.
One American student whom JF nourished is Tamara Kamel. Kamel worked with JF from 2013 to 2015, when she was studying for her Master of Arts in Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies at George Mason University. She studied for her Bachelor of Arts in International Relations and Affairs at George Washington University. After she obtained her master’s degree in 2015, Kamel worked for seven years at the Gulf States Institute.[161] Now, she works as a part-time professor at American University.[162]
An international student whom JF hired and promoted is Chilean national Nicholas Bascuñan-Wiley, who interned in 2015. Bascuñan-Wiley is currently a candidate for Northwestern University’s PhD in Sociology, for which he has studied since 2017. Between 2013 and 2017, he had studied the same topic at Macalester College. Bascuñan-Wiley has involved himself in Middle Eastern affairs throughout his college career, as a glance at his résumé shows.[163] Despite appearances, Bascuñan-Wiley’s presence at JF was not anodyne. With around 500,000 people of Palestinian Arab descent, Chile is home to the largest Palestinian Arab diaspora outside of the Middle East. Its overwhelmingly Christian origin poses no obstacle to solidarity with Arab Muslims; Arab Chileans have turned the “struggle for Palestine” into a part of their immigrant identity.[164] This community has manifested almost monolithic loyalty to a maximalist approach concerning territory and, in their fanaticism, has turned Chile into one of the most insecure countries for Jews in Latin America.[165] Chilean Jews have experienced a spike in anti-Semitic incidents. One of them was a protest, laden with verbal assault, outside a Jewish community center.[166] As such, JF’s work may turn American campuses, and American society by extension, into a more hostile environment for Jews and Israelis.
Many former JF employees report the organization as their last workplace on their LinkedIn profiles. One of them, Lucian Dieterman, started an Air Force officer’s course sometime after he quit JF in 2017.[167] Since JF has the habit of almost exclusively hiring Arabs for his position, Dieterman’s participation is unexpected. However, JF is willing to forgo that requirement if it can ensure its prospective hires are loyal to the Palestinian Arab cause, as in the case of Nicolás Bascuñán-Wiley. Dieterman was faithful enough. According to his grandfather’s obituary, he had married Nishaat Shaik, an Arab American woman, with whom he lives in Utah, after his time at JF.[168]
JF’s actions in the academic sphere strengthen the American Hamas network. This paper has described how JF’s primary links with the rest of the network occur through USCRP. 2017 saw JF jointly invite Omar Barghouti with USCRP to deliver a conference promoting the BDS movement.[169] Moreover, JF has functioned as a sort of pipeline for positions at USCPR. For example, as this paper’s section on USCPR described, JF’s executive director from 2009 to 2014, Yousef Munayyer, is part of USCPR’s advisory board. [170] Tamar Ghabin, USCRP’s Government Affairs Associate, interned at JF during her college years and doubled as a student organizer with SJP, as Canary Mission informs.[171]
To promote its claims, JF has backed other personages and NGOs within the network. In February 2020, during the Democratic Party primary, JF promoted Bernie Sanders and, to lend credence to his claims, directly cited MPower Change and Women’s March leader Linda Sarsour.[172] Like Hatem Bazian, JF has links with Al-Shabaka, whose executive director it invited in 2018.[173] In 2016, JF even quoted Samidoun in solidarity with Palestinian Arabs.[174] Samidoun, also known as the Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network, has pleaded for the release of jailed Palestinians and is intimately associated with the PFLP. Samidoun is especially active in Europe. Germany and Israel have banned the organization.[175] Meta and PayPal have also excluded Samidoun from capitalizing on their services.[176] The Alliance for Global Justice, with ties to the Open Society Foundations, has funded the French Samidoun chapter Collectif Palestine Vaincra.[177]
Concerning funding, the Edwards Realty Company (ERC) is one of JF’s largest avowed donors outside its members.[178] Palestinian immigrant Edward Hassan founded ERC, which he started to expand and diversify in 2002.[179] Like AMP at its beginning, The location of ERC’s headquarters is near Palos Hills, Illinois. Therefore, ERC has actively promoted pro-Palestinian candidates in its congressional district, IL-3. In 2018, ERC financed an ad by Marie Newman in IL-3 that criticized the incumbent, Congressman Dan Lipinski, over his opposition to BDS in 2014.[180] Newman would succeed Lipinski in 2021 after trouncing him two years after her previous 2018 defeat.[181]
One last point about JF is that it has amplified the anti-Israel sentiment among its collaborators. In its publications, JF has expressed misgivings about Mahmoud Abbas but has published articles expressing admiration for Qatar, Iran, and Turkey.[182] It has also distributed the writings of Italian journalist Paola Caridi, who posits that Hamas is a resistance movement that had to militarize because of the “Israeli occupation.”[183] As this paper has expressed, JF is a fundamental node in the American Hamas network. This work shall now examine the possible HLF and IAP connections of the Qatari campuses of American universities, besides the effects of Qatari money on the American educational system.
The Qatar Factor
During the last decades, Qatar has been one of the countries exerting the most influence on the American educational system. The accruing in Qatar’s influence has been through the use of grants that have allowed Qatar to gradually replace Saudi Arabia as the most significant foreign donor for many American universities. Between 2001 and 2022, Qatar gave $4.7 billion in reported donations to American universities, according to a study by the National Association of Scholars. These donations almost exclusively went to the six American colleges with satellite campuses in Qatar: Virginia Commonwealth University (VCU), Cornell University, Texas A&M University, Carnegie Mellon University, Georgetown University, and Northwestern University.[184]
However, these data do not take undeclared donations into account. In a 2024 report, the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP) noted that Yale may have received around $16 million from Qatar between 2012 and 2013, despite a declared income of around $285,000.[185] As in Yale’s particular case, ISGAP also estimates that American universities kept $4.7 billion in foreign donations between 2014 and 2019 undisclosed: around one-quarter of all donations from abroad. Total Qatari contributions in that same period amounted to roughly $2.7 billion: almost twice as large as those of the United Kingdom: American universities’ second-largest foreign donor.[186] Because this trend has only continued, this undeclared revenue may declare perverse incentives for university administrators to dismiss the grievances of Jewish students.[187] As a matter of fact, ISGAP noted in a 2019 report that, compared to non-Middle Eastern countries, donations from Middle Eastern countries to American universities were highly correlated with the targeting of individuals, restrictions on freedom of expression, and BDS campaigns, when the regression accounted for control variables. They are also related to an increase in anti-Semitic crimes in the universities’ vicinity.[188]
In 1997, Qatar spurred foreign universities to install themselves in the country, in a new Doha neighborhood named Education City, to facilitate development, through the auspices of the Qatar Foundation (QF).[189] This is the official motive behind the American campuses in Qatar.[190] However, this motive can conceal an Islamist ethos. The strong relationship between Qatar and Islamist movements dates to the 1950s, when the ruling Al Thani family welcomed Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood exiles to set up Qatar’s Ministry of Education—and continued to do so until the 1980s—when the country’s most distinguished industries were fishing and pearl cultivation instead of crude oil extraction.[191] In 1995, after Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa, the current Emir’s father, overthrew his progenitor in a coup, Qatar decided to expand its influence—and its Islamist ideology—worldwide.[192]
Hence, Qatar has expanded its influence. It has increased its involvement in the media realm by creating Al Jazeera. It has invested in the hospitality, real estate, energy, and food and beverage sectors through the Qatar Investment Authority (QIA), which has expanded its holdings in the American economy and even purchased emblematic buildings like the Plaza Hotel in New York.[193] Qatar has mediated and participated in foreign countries and increasingly involved itself in academia.[194] For example, part of Hamas’ current leadership, including Khaled Mashal, lives in Doha. Additionally, other Gulf countries, including Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, have accused Qatar of financing international terrorism. For this reason, Qatar suffered a blockade between 2017 and 2021.[195] Therefore, one can make a case that the Qatari campuses of American universities have some links to Hamas, however residual they may be.
The disciplines that each satellite university campus teaches its graduates are narrow. VCU’s campus only delivers fine arts degrees. Cornell’s only presence in Doha is its medical school. Texas A&M’s only courses in Qatar relate to engineering. Carnegie Mellon is itself content with exclusively teaching computer science. Georgetown’s graduates will have single-mindedly conversed about foreign affairs during their stay. In the meantime, Northwestern’s focus is media and journalism.[196] The pattern that emerges is contrary to a university’s reputed mission to focus on the pursuit of truth to the detriment of any feasible obstacle: the universities have consented to place their knowledge in the service of the Qatari state in exchange for a fee.
To cite an example, Qatar’s contract with Texas A&M implies, according to ISGAP, that Qatar can shape the university’s academic standards, demand preferential admissions policies for Qataris; and cooperate with QF in joint faculty appointments, programs, and degrees. Furthermore, Texas A&M cannot establish another engineering program in the Middle East to prevent competition against Qatar. QF also receives intellectual property for the campus’ research in the contract.[197] Because Texas A&M is one of the three American universities with nuclear reactors and because its Qatar campus is participating in the Large Hadron Collider alongside the European Organization for Nuclear Research, this clause is especially concerning.[198] Moreover, Texas A&M has participated in 57 research projects with Qatar, many of which have military applications and involve missiles and explosives.[199] Among the professors involved have been Ilham Al-Qaradawi, daughter of Muslim Brotherhood ideologue Yusuf Al-Qaradawi; Othmane Bouhali, Arshad Mohammed Ali, and Eric L. Petersen. They have studied nuclear accident mitigation and experimented with isotopes, scintillation crystals, and nuclear accident mitigation, among other areas.[200] QF also has control over the university’s budget. Moreover, the agreement also requires a Joint Advisory Board for budgets, plans, and academic assessments, in which half of the members must be Qatari.[201]
The submission of American universities to the desires of the Qatari state did not arise out of a vacuum. It took place because, as the specificity of university majors in Doha’s satellite campuses demonstrates, the Qatari government asked American colleges to replicate their best-reputed programs based on the Emir’s perceived requirements.[202] Given this specificity, one can focus on Georgetown and Northwestern when analyzing the American Hamas network, because of their respective focuses on international relations and media. Qatar started to donate money to Georgetown in 2005, shortly after the US government took actions against HLF and the IAP that helped disband them and some months before federal agencies seized KindHeart’s banking account.[203] Georgetown’s Doha campus has some ties to JF, as explained above. Furthermore, Northwestern built its Qatari campus in 2008, two years after AMP’s founding in 2006.[204]
An important detail from Northwestern’s Qatar campus is that the only two majors offered are Bachelor of Science in Communication and Bachelor of Science in Journalism and Strategic Communication.[205] The other one is that the campus has an institutional partner with Qatar’s Al Jazeera state-funded network, which has spewed anti-Israeli content worldwide since its launch in 1996 and outside the Muslim and Arab sphere since the start of its English-language channel in 2006.[206] Consequently, it is plausible that Northwestern’s Doha campus helps Qatar develop journalists who, equipped with an American college degree, will be able to work in the West and thereby spread Al Jazeera’s pro-Hamas narrative. This is not merely a supposition. The website for Northwestern’s Qatar campus has featured articles condemning Israeli airstrikes on Gaza and putting the durability of Israel’s alliances into question.[207]
In Georgetown’s Qatar campus, the feverish support for the Gazan cause is as high as in Northwestern. An article in the newsletter for Georgetown’s Qatar campus even commended pro-Palestinian students for “making strides in academic activism,” including an organization called “Climate Alliance for Palestine.”[208] The website’s section on academic research even features a professor with a visible kufiyah in a prominent position.[209] Just as in Northwestern’s case, it is also possible that some graduates from Georgetown’s Qatar campus will relocate to the West for work and spread anti-Israel and anti-Semitic ideology.
Inside American universities, Qatari donations usually take many forms. When the universities have Qatari campuses, such as Cornell, Qatar will typically bear the cost of the facilities and their operation. Since 2012, Cornell has received $1.3 billion, of which $600 million came in 2019, to operate its medical school’s campus in Qatar.[210] QF may also grant American universities with Doha campuses the use of its affiliated facilities. With Qatari curricular control, Cornell’s Weill Medical School has also conducted research at the Sidra Medical and Research Center, with a $7.9 billion endowment stemming from QF.[211] Other Qatari donors to Cornell include the Qatar National Research Fund (QNRF), the Hamad Medical Corporation, and the Supreme Committee for Delivery & Legacy.[212] As ISGAP states, many of these contributions have gone unreported.
Another way Qatar embeds itself in American universities is to finance generous scholarships for its nationals. For instance, Cornell earns Qatari money through the Amiri Scholarship Program, which covers “tuition, mandatory fees, monthly living stipends, books, medical insurance, and more,” so Qatari medical students can study abroad with little financial worries.[213] Columbia University has apparently received around $3.4 million from Qatar through the Amiri Scholarship Program.[214] Yale University has received Qatari scholarship money more covertly. Since 2011, Yale has partnered with Banco Santander through the World Fellows Program (WFP) to finance study abroad scholarships for European and Arabic language students, which may even include travel to Hispanic Latin America. The fellowships are worth around “$200,000 a year for three years.”[215] Although these scholarships may appear to eschew Qatari involvement at first glance, the truth is that Qatar has historically used Spanish businesses like Banco Santander and energy company Iberdrola—which QIA owns—as intermediaries to hide its footprints.[216] Thus, it is not unexpected for the WFP to have collaborated extensively with QF.
Qatar has also actively financed research. In the case of Cornell, the university has 274 research projects in its Doha campus, where 90 have an average budget of $805,000 and whose most expensive project is worth around $9.4 million.[217] For Yale, QNRF has funded several National Preferential Research Projects (NPRP) in topics of Qatari interest, such as Middle Eastern affairs, oil extraction, and health issues endemic to Qatar, like obesity; almost every NPRP has received at least $1 million. Moreover, Yale even partnered with Avangrid, Iberdrola’s American subsidiary, in a research project worth around $1,000,000 from 2019 to 2021. In that project, $600,000 belonged to Iberdrola itself, while $200,000 delivered annually belonged to Avangrid.[218] Columbia University received around $1.5 million for six NPRP research projects related to energy and around $1.8 million through Columbia University Energy Partnership projects.[219]
Another method that Qatar uses to exert influence on American campuses is the financing of conferences and trips to sow goodwill among students and faculty. QF finances the World Innovation Summit for Education (WISE) to generate “dialogue and partnerships” among educational stakeholders. WISE included Banco Santander financing. Yale board members like Linda Koch Lorimer and professors like Nicholas Christakis have partaken in WISE; total WISE investments in Yale amount to $1.5 million.[220] Dr. Jodi Sherman, part of the Yale School of Medicine, partook in the World Innovation Summit for Health (WISH) in Doha in 2022; Yale did not report this grant.[221] Columbia has also participated in WISE summits and even hosted one in 2019 at Teachers College, whose Institutional Review Board Chair, Karen Froud, has called for a boycott of Israeli academia. Professor Jeffrey Sachs attended a WISE summit in Doha in 2023.[222] Because of this, it is not surprising that, besides AMP and SJP involvement, there are also forces pushing faculty members to become more hostile to Jewish and Israeli students. Before concluding, this paper will elaborate on a possible Latin American connection to Hamas’ American network.
From the MLFA to Hezbollah?
This paper previously established that three out of four of MLFA’s donor engagement associates most probably only came from Colombia and, in some cases, even handled their work from that country. Given Hezbollah’s regional involvement and Iran’s influence operations therein, it is likely that, taking MLFA’s Islamist associations into account, MLFA’s Colombian association could be linking the American Hamas network to Hezbollah. That terrorist organization’s involvement in Latin America has been most glaring with the attack at the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires in 1992 and the attack at the AMIA Jewish Community Center in 1994.[223]
Since the American network’s link to Hezbollah is possibly occurring through Colombia, it behooves this paper to discover its connections to the rest of the region. South America’s Lebanese diaspora concentrates in Brazil, Argentina, Colombia, and Venezuela.[224] Even though most Lebanese in South America are Christians, they imagine themselves as possessing a general Arab identity for which religious differences are irrelevant. For this attitude, the case of the descendants of Palestinian Arabs living in Chile serves as a frame of reference.[225] Consequently, many Christian Lebanese in South America will take the cause of Shia Lebanese as their own. As Joseph M. Humire notes in his 2016 report on Iran’s influence in Latin America, many Lebanese families in South America are scattered in its different countries. Therefore, many Lebanese Colombians’ business ventures extend into Argentina and Brazil, where they have relatives. For instance, Samuel Salman El Reda, a Colombian Lebanese, had kinship ties with Zouhair Mohamad Hassan Saleh, whom Argentinian prosecutors once tied to the 1994 AMIA attack.[226]
Another meaningful connection some Colombian Lebanese within the network may have is drug trafficking, especially that related to cocaine. The cultivation of coca leaves, cocaine’s raw material, takes place in Peru, Bolivia, and Colombia itself, in tropical highlands. After harvest, drug cartels usually process the coca leaves in Colombia, from where they export the finished cocaine product to the United States, Europe, and other markets. It is essential to bear in mind that, because of market size and geographic proximity, Brazil is the world’s second most lucrative country for cocaine.[227] For cocaine to reach Brazil, one of the main routes involves the Triple Frontier between Argentina, Paraguay, and Brazil, a region notorious for contraband and crime within those countries. Increased trade opportunities also mean that Lebanese communities dot the Triple Frontier.[228] Hence, there are Lebanese Hezbollah supporters at both ends of South America’s cocaine trafficking routes. These connections even extend to exchanges at the government level. One example is that Alex Saab, a formerly Colombian businessman of Lebanese extraction, secured his release from a United States prison in December 2023 because of the intervention of the Venezuelan government, which Saab assisted in money laundering, besides the money laundering he performed for cartels.[229] Tareck El Aissami, one of Nicolás Maduro’s former associates in the Venezuelan government and also accused of drug trafficking, was also Lebanese.[230] Money laundering by Hezbollah even extends to the United States. In another case, Hezbollah operatives used a Miami bank to launder money from Colombian cartels until their arrest in 2016.[231]
Historically, Iran has bolstered Hezbollah’s operations network in Latin America. In the early 1980s, Mohsen Rabbani, a Shia cleric, started to make inroads and began his travels throughout South America during the decade so that he could establish an intelligence network based upon the local Lebanese. In the early 1990s, Rabbani supplemented his network with Iran-Iraq war veterans under the pretense of setting up businesses to arrange the export of halal meat to Iran, the most notable of which was the Government Trading Corporation. After the AMIA attacks, Rabbani transferred his meat business to Brazil and Uruguay from Argentina by creating a company called South Beef. Later, Rabbani would be instrumental in helping orchestrate a 2013 rapprochement between Iran and Argentinian President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner that prosecutor Alberto Nisman sought to dismantle until his death under mysterious circumstances in 2015.[232]
Rabbani’s intelligence network extends to Peru, where the chief node is Islamic convert Edwar Husain Quiroga Vargas. At first a leftist militant, Quiroga converted to Islam after a 2009 trip to Qom, in Al Mustafa International University under Rabbani’s direction.[233] Rabbani has now trained Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking clerics to promote Iran and Islam.[234] In 2012, under Rabbani’s auspices, Quiroga founded a Shia center called Inkarri Islam, which uses indigenous tropes to inspire the Peruvian masses to revolution. Quiroga is based in Apurímac, relatively close to Peru’s largest coca-growing region, also known as VRAEM for its Spanish initials, which could indicate a connection to Hezbollah’s broader South American network.[235] That network attempted to attack in late 2014 until Peruvian police arrested Lebanese Hezbollah operative Mohammad Ghaleb Hamdar, who had come to Peru under the alias “Amadar Muamad” with a fake Sierra Leone passport.[236] In Peru itself, Quiroga has involved himself in politics and supported anti-mining protests and leftist figures like the 2005 coup attempt conspirator and presumptive presidential candidate Antauro Humala and former President Pedro Castillo.[237] He also has supported the Movadef movement, which calls for the release of Marxist Shining Path terrorists—who massacred people in the country during the 1980s and 1990s—from Peruvian prisons.[238] In July 2022, Peruvian police detained Quiroga for carrying 19,000 dynamite cartridges but released him ten days later in August because they proved unable to confirm criminal intent.[239] As Hezbollah’s operations in Latin America and possible links to the United States demonstrate, SJP’s funding could be a hemispheric, and not an exclusively national, affair.
Conclusion
This paper has demonstrated how some of the most vocal Muslim organizations in the United States have kept tight links with Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood, and their Qatari and Iranian sponsors. It has shown the involvement of renowned left-wing donors like the Tides Foundation, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, WESPAC, and the Open Society Foundations. The origins of this network may be rather old, but the network’s expansion has merely occurred during the last two decades. A lack of information has not stopped us from acting; the lack of political willpower has. In this process, there is no single culprit. Both political parties, in varying degrees, are to blame. The result is that the American Hamas network has turned increasingly complex during our collective slumber. And now, American Jews are solely the first group who will be footing the bill.
On October 7, several pro-Palestinian groups suddenly demanded that Israel exercise restraint as Hamas terrorists were still murdering and pillaging its territory from a base that Israel had voluntarily abandoned 18 years prior. Others did not even bother to mute their brazen applause for terror. For America’s Hamas sympathizers, protesting is not a means of showing support; it is just fighting another front in the West’s very heartland against anyone daring to express the humanity of the most resilient and persecuted people in world history. Judging from their diligence, they ably carried and propagated such an awareness. Anyone willing to stay on the sidelines is doing so at his peril: what begins with the Jews never ends with the Jews. The network’s actions provide a manual for further subversive operations against American society.
Should we not check the actions of American Islamists by cutting the network from its roots, harassment against Jews could turn into harassment against anyone with whom Hamas’ adherents contend. The network has bid its time to grow so its tentacles reach far and wide. Whenever they feel threatened, Hamas’ backers can now muster some of the upper echelons of American society and unduly zealous college students to fight their battles. In the backdrop of society as polarized and unequal as the society in the United States, this means another element to gnaw at our country’s enfeebled social fabric, concomitantly causing the decline of our shining city on the hill.
Therefore, our manner of combatting this evil should befit its level as a menace. Our reaction must be swift and drastic. Because the federal government has combatted and dismounted organizations like HLF and IAP in the past but subsequently failed to notice the emergence of successors in AMP and USCPR, it is clear that there must be a change in methods. Of course, the presumption of innocence shapes our legal system so that association does not equate with guilt. However, we should not bypass that the links within the network are too strong to disregard.
Consequently, Congress must issue the requisite subpoenas to investigate the source of the network’s resources and to inquire about the extent of its operations. It should not leave even a single node or link untouched so that no Hamas supporter escapes prosecution. After having attained its objectives, Congress should periodically review the actions of Islamists within the United States, lest they reconstitute themselves and continue their work under another name.
For many years, the United States has faltered in its resolve to ensure Hamas and its backers do not go unpunished. Nevertheless, it is always better to act later than never. Doing so will not only raise the image of the United States among its allies and the fear of America among its adversaries. It will also solidify American society and thus imply a more perfect union, insured with domestic tranquility and securing the blessings of liberty for ourselves and our posterity.
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[1] Dov Lieber, “In Israel’s North, Some Displaced Residents Call for Step Up in Fight Against Hezbollah,” The Wall Street Journal, May 27, 2024, https://www.wsj.com/world/middle-east/in-israels-north-some-displaced-residents-call-for-step-up-in-fight-against-hezbollah-41284bdb.
[2] Jonathan Schanzer, “From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners,” FDD, November 15, 2023, https://www.fdd.org/analysis/testimonies/2023/11/15/from-ivory-towers-to-dark-corners/.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Jonathan Schanzer, AMP Leadership, FDD (Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, November 15, 2023), https://www.fdd.org/analysis/testimonies/2023/11/15/from-ivory-towers-to-dark-corners/.
[5] Jonathan Schanzer, AMP’s Hybrid Corporate Structure, FDD (Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, November 15, 2023), https://www.fdd.org/analysis/testimonies/2023/11/15/from-ivory-towers-to-dark-corners/.
[6] John S. Pistole, “The Terrorist Financing Operations Section,” FBI, September 24, 2003, https://archives.fbi.gov/archives/news/testimony/the-terrorist-financing-operations-section.
[7] Mary Anne Weaver, “A Hamas Leader Jailed in Manhattan,” The New Yorker, August 12, 1996, https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/1996/08/19/the-quandary-hamas-abu-marzook.
[8] Kenneth W. Dam, “Testimony of Kenneth W. Dam Deputy Secretary, Department of the Treasury before the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Subcommittee on International Trade and Finance August 1, 2002,” U.S. Department of the Treasury, August 1, 2002, https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/po3315.
[9] Jonathan Schanzer, “From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners,” FDD, November 15, 2023, https://www.fdd.org/analysis/testimonies/2023/11/15/from-ivory-towers-to-dark-corners/.
[10] Lorenzo Vidino, “The Hamas Network in America: A Short History,” GW Program on Extremism, October 2023, https://extremism.gwu.edu/sites/g/files/zaxdzs5746/files/2023-10/the-hamas-network-in-america.pdf, 6-7.
[11] Chuck Goudie et al., “Family’s Fight Against Hamas Targets Local Pro-Palestinian Nonprofit,” ABC7 Chicago, November 2, 2023, https://abc7chicago.com/hamas-david-boim-terrorism-american-muslims-for-palestine/14001029/.
“CHICAGO AND WASHINGTON, D.C., AREA MEN AMONG THREE INDICTED IN RACKETEERING CONSPIRACY IN U.S. TO FINANCE HAMAS TERROR ABROAD,” Department of Justice, August 20, 2004, https://www.justice.gov/archive/opa/pr/2004/August/04_crm_571.htm.
[12] Matthew Levitt, “Boim Judgment Upheld: Charity Donations to Terrorist Groups Illegal,” The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, December 3, 2008, https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/boim-judgment-upheld-charity-donations-terrorist-groups-illegal.
[13] First Amended Complaint, Boim v. American Muslims for Palestine, No. 17-03591 (N.D. Ill. Filed December 17, 2019). (https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.ilnd.339873/gov.uscourts.ilnd.339873.179.0_2.pdf).
[14] Ibid.
[15] Jonathan Schanzer, “From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners,” FDD, November 15, 2023, https://www.fdd.org/analysis/testimonies/2023/11/15/from-ivory-towers-to-dark-corners/.
[16] KindHearts for Charitable Humanitarian Development, Inc. v. Geithner et al. – Settlement.
[17] Jonathan Schanzer, “From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners,” FDD, November 15, 2023, https://www.fdd.org/analysis/testimonies/2023/11/15/from-ivory-towers-to-dark-corners/.
[18] Muslim Legal Fund of America, “Boim v. American Muslims for Palestine,” Muslim Legal Fund of America, accessed July 2, 2024, https://mlfa.org/cases/boim-v-american-muslims-for-palestine-et-al/.
[19] Ibid.
[20] Melissa Weiss, “Federal Judge Rejects American Muslims for Palestine Motion to Dismiss Decades-Old Terror-Financing Case,” Jewish Insider, May 19, 2022, https://jewishinsider.com/2022/05/david-boim-american-muslims-for-palestine-lawsuit/.
[21] AMP, “About AMP,” AMP, accessed July 2, 2024, https://www.ampalestine.org/about-amp.
[22] AMP, “American Muslims for Palestine — Home,” AMP, accessed July 2, 2024, https://www.ampalestine.org/.
[23] AMP, “FAQs,” AMP, accessed July 2, 2024, https://www.ampalestine.org/about-amp/faqs.
[24] AMP, “Chapters,” AMP, accessed July 2, 2024, https://www.ampalestine.org/organize/chapters.
[25] Jonathan Schanzer, “From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners,” FDD, November 15, 2023, https://www.fdd.org/analysis/testimonies/2023/11/15/from-ivory-towers-to-dark-corners/.
AMP, “Our Team,” AMP, accessed July 2, 2024, https://www.ampalestine.org/about-amp/our-team.
[26] Ibid.
[27] Ibid.
Jonathan Schanzer, “From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners,” FDD, November 15, 2023, https://www.fdd.org/analysis/testimonies/2023/11/15/from-ivory-towers-to-dark-corners/.
American Muslims for Palestine, “Our Team,” AMP, accessed July 2, 2024, https://www.ampalestine.org/about-amp/our-team.
[28] Ibid.
[29] SAN, “Mission & Vision,” South Asian Network, July 26, 2022, https://southasiannetwork.org/about/mission-vision/.
[30] SAN, “Shakeel Syed,” South Asian Network, December 27, 2023, https://southasiannetwork.org/staff/shakeel-syed/.
[31] Ahmad & Guerard, LLP, “Attorneys Milwaukee — Ahmad & Guerard, LLP,” Ahmad & Guerard, LLP, March 31, 2015, https://law-ag.com/attorneys-milwaukee/.
[32] Jonathan Schanzer, “From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners,” FDD, November 15, 2023, https://www.fdd.org/analysis/testimonies/2023/11/15/from-ivory-towers-to-dark-corners/.
[33] Canary Mission, “Salah Sarsour,” Canary Mission, April 4, 2024, https://canarymission.org/individual/Salah_Sarsour.
[34] Lorenzo Vidino, “The Hamas Network in America: A Short History,” GW Program on Extremism, October 2023, https://extremism.gwu.edu/sites/g/files/zaxdzs5746/files/2023-10/the-hamas-network-in-america.pdf, 6-7.
[35] Jonathan Schanzer, “From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners,” FDD, November 15, 2023, https://www.fdd.org/analysis/testimonies/2023/11/15/from-ivory-towers-to-dark-corners/.
[36] Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, “National Students for Justice in Palestine (NSJP): Anti-Semitism, Anti-Americanism, Violent Extremism and the Threat To North American Universities” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2024), 4.
[37] USCPR, “Connect with a Local Group,” US Campaign for Palestinian Rights, January 8, 2024, https://uscpr.org/connect-with-a-local-group/.
[38] Capital Research Center, “United States Campaign for Palestinian Rights,” Influence Watch, accessed July 2, 2024, https://www.influencewatch.org/non-profit/united-states-campaign-for-palestinian-rights/.
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[41] Ahmad Abuznaid, US Campaign for Palestinian Rights, et. al., “Help the Flotilla — Instagram,” Instagram, May 7, 2024, https://www.instagram.com/p/C6qyOsPMX7Y/?hl=en.
[42] USCPR, “Speakers and Trainers,” US Campaign for Palestinian Rights, October 10, 2022, https://uscpr.org/speakers-and-trainers/.
[43] USCPR, “Palestine Is a Feminist Issue,” US Campaign for Palestinian Rights, January 13, 2023, https://uscpr.org/activist-resource/grassroots-advocacy-toolkit/palestine-is-a-feminist-issue/.
[44] Eyewitness Palestine, “Eyewitness Palestine — Instagram,” Instagram, April 19, 2024, https://www.instagram.com/eyewitnesspalestine/p/C59D8CZxwEF/.
[45] USCPR, USCPR Annual Report 2023, 2023, https://www.uscpr2023.org/.
[46] USCPR, “Connect with a Local Group,” US Campaign for Palestinian Rights, January 8, 2024, https://uscpr.org/connect-with-a-local-group/.
[47] USCPR, “Steering Committee & Advisory Board,” US Campaign for Palestinian Rights, August 9, 2022, https://uscpr.org/about-us/steering-committee-advisory-board/.
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Ronah Baha, “Palestinian Politics: Representation and Accountability,” The Jerusalem Fund, February 15, 2016, https://thejerusalemfund.org/2012/07/palestinian-politics-representation-and-accountability/.
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[49] Canary Mission, “Tamar Ghabin,” Canary Mission, May 29, 2024, https://canarymission.org/individual/Tamar_Ghabin.
[50] CAIR, “About Us,” CAIR, May 6, 2020, https://www.cair.com/about_cair/about-us/.
[51] Ibid.
[52] CAIR, “Your Rights While Protesting,” CAIR, March 17, 2022, https://www.cair.com/know_your_rights/your-rights-while-protesting/.
[53] Ismail Allison, “CAIR Welcomes ‘Principled’ Resignation of Muslim Biden Admin Official Over Gaza Genocide,” CAIR, July 2, 2024, https://www.cair.com/press_releases/cair-welcomes-principled-resignation-of-muslim-biden-admin-official-over-gaza-genocide/.
Ibrahim Hooper, “Video: CAIR Calls on 400+ University Leaders to Stop Targeting Anti-Genocide Protesters and Enabling Islamophobia, Anti-Palestinian Racism,” CAIR, May 15, 2024, https://www.cair.com/press_releases/video-cair-calls-on-400-university-leaders-to-stop-targeting-anti-genocide-protesters-and-enabling-islamophobia-anti-palestinian-racism/.
[54] Zeyno Baran, “The Muslim Brotherhood’s U.S. Network,” Hudson Institute, February 27, 2008, https://www.hudson.org/national-security-defense/the-muslim-brotherhood-s-u-s-network.
[55] Ibid.
[56] CAIR, “Nihad Awad – National Board Member,” CAIR, August 29, 2017, https://www.cair.com/national_board_of_directors/nihad-awad/.
[57] CAIR, “Ibrahim Hooper – Communications Director,” CAIR, accessed July 3, 2024, https://www.cair.com/ourstaff/ibrahim-hooper/.
[58] Zeyno Baran, “The Muslim Brotherhood’s U.S. Network,” Hudson Institute, February 27, 2008, https://www.hudson.org/national-security-defense/the-muslim-brotherhood-s-u-s-network.
Lorenzo Vidino, “The Hamas Network in America: A Short History,” GW Program on Extremism, October 2023, https://extremism.gwu.edu/sites/g/files/zaxdzs5746/files/2023-10/the-hamas-network-in-america.pdf, 13.
[59] Ibrahim Hooper, “Ibrahim Hooper — Twitter,” X (formerly Twitter), June 29, 2024, https://x.com/ibrahimhooper/status/1807087799880847379.
[60] Council on American-Islamic Relations, “Zahra Billoo,” CAIR California San Francisco Bay Area, August 2, 2023, https://ca.cair.com/sfba/member/zahra-billoo/.
Gabe Stuttman, “California Muslim Leader Warns About ‘Polite Zionists,’ Drawing Rebuke from ADL,” The Times of Israel, December 10, 2021, https://www.timesofisrael.com/california-muslim-leader-warns-about-polite-zionists-drawing-rebuke-from-adl/.
[61] The Investigative Project on Terrorism, “The Council on American-Islamic Relations: CAIR Exposed” (The Investigative Project on Terrorism, 2007), 3-4, 33.
[62] Charles C. Johnson, “CAIR Collects Millions from Foreign Donors Thanks to Non-Profit Shell Game,” The Daily Caller, September 23, 2013, https://dailycaller.com/2013/09/21/cair-collects-millions-from-foreign-donors-thanks-to-non-profit-shell-game/.
[63] The Investigative Project on Terrorism, “Congressman Asks IRS to Investigate CAIR,” The Investigative Project on Terrorism, June 28, 2011, https://www.investigativeproject.org/3011/congressman-asks-irs-to-investigate-cair.
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[76] Arno Rosenfeld, “The Secret History and Uncertain Future of Students for Justice in Palestine,” The Forward, December 20, 2023, https://forward.com/news/574014/students-for-justice-in-palestine-history-operations-network-national-sjp/.
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[77] Ibid.
[78] Fox News, “Pro-Palestinian College Group Is ‘Main Driver of Jew-Hatred On Campus,’ Study Suggests,” Fox News, October 31, 2019, https://www.foxnews.com/us/pro-palestinian-nsjp-student-group-isgap-study.
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[81] Jonathan Schanzer, “From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners,” FDD, November 15, 2023, https://www.fdd.org/analysis/testimonies/2023/11/15/from-ivory-towers-to-dark-corners/.
[82] Luke Tress, “Westchester Charity Manages Funding for Hardline Pro-Palestinian Groups,” The Jerusalem Post, February 2, 2024, https://www.jpost.com/israel-hamas-war/article-784837.
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[89] Ibid.
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[102] Ibid.
[103] Hatem Bazian, “As a Muslim, I Dissent, Refuse and Resist War Mongers Stoking War Against Iran!,” Hatem Bazian, May 9, 2018, https://www.hatembazian.com/content/as-a-muslim-i-dissent-refuse-and-resist-war-mongers-stoking-war-against-iran/.
[104] Hatem Bazian, “Orientalism, Palestine and Covering Islam,” Hatem Bazian, May 31, 2016, https://www.hatembazian.com/content/orientalism-palestine-and-covering-islam/.
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[188] ISGAP, “The Corruption of the American Mind: How Foreign Funding of Higher Education in the United States Predicts the Erosion of Democratic Values and Antisemitic Sentiment on Campus” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2024), 15-29.
[189] ISGAP, “Networks of Hate: Qatari Paymasters, Soft Power, and the Manipulation of Democracy” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2023), 24.
[190] Eli Lake, “Qatar’s War for Young American Minds,” The Free Press, October 24, 2023, https://www.thefp.com/p/qatars-war-for-young-american-minds.
[191] ISGAP, “The Qatar Regime, Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2023), 4-5.
[192] ISGAP, “Networks of Hate: Qatari Paymasters, Soft Power, and the Manipulation of Democracy” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2023), 3.
[193] ISGAP, “Networks of Hate: Qatari Paymasters, Soft Power, and the Manipulation of Democracy” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2023), 3-21.
[194] ISGAP, “Networks of Hate: Qatari Paymasters, Soft Power, and the Manipulation of Democracy” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2023), 22-33.
[195] Samuel Ramani, “The Qatar Blockade Is Over, but the Gulf Crisis Lives On,” Foreign Policy, January 27, 2021, https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/01/27/qatar-blockade-gcc-divisions-turkey-libya-palestine/.
[196] Eli Lake, “Qatar’s War for Young American Minds,” The Free Press, October 24, 2023, https://www.thefp.com/p/qatars-war-for-young-american-minds.
[197] ISGAP, “Hijacking Higher Education Qatar, the Muslim Brotherhood and Texas A&M: Buying Nuclear Research and Student Information” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2023), 10-11.
[198] Ibid., 12.
[199] ISGAP, “Hijacking Higher Education Qatar, the Muslim Brotherhood and Texas A&M: Buying Nuclear Research and Student Information” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2024), 5-11.
[200] Ibid., 13-19.
[201] ISGAP, “Hijacking Higher Education Qatar, the Muslim Brotherhood and Texas A&M: Buying Nuclear Research and Student Information” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2023), 10-11.
[202] Breccan F. Thies, “Qatar Foundation Disputes Buying Influence With Funding to Northwestern University,” Washington Examiner, May 28, 2024, https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/policy/education/3019387/qatar-foundation-disputes-buying-influence-northwestern-university/.
[203] Eli Lake, “Qatar’s War for Young American Minds,” The Free Press, October 24, 2023, https://www.thefp.com/p/qatars-war-for-young-american-minds.
[204] Ibid.
[205] Northwestern University in Qatar, “Undergraduate Academics,” Northwestern University in Qatar, accessed July 5, 2024, https://www.qatar.northwestern.edu/academics/undergraduate/.
[206] Al Jazeera, “Aljazeera’s English Channel in 2006,” Al Jazeera, May 14, 2005, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2005/5/14/aljazeeras-english-channel-in-2006.
Northwestern University in Qatar, “Institutional Partnerships,” Northwestern University in Qatar, accessed July 5, 2024, https://www.qatar.northwestern.edu/about/partnerships.html.
[207] Northwestern University in Qatar, “Northwestern Qatar News,” Northwestern University in Qatar, accessed July 5, 2024, https://www.qatar.northwestern.edu/news/.
[208] Georgetown University in Qatar, “GU-Q Student Making Strides in Activism and Academic Excellence,” Georgetown University in Qatar, June 9, 2024, https://www.qatar.georgetown.edu/gu-q-student-making-strides-in-activism-and-academic-excellence/.
[209] Georgetown University in Qatar, “Research at Georgetown University in Qatar,” Georgetown University in Qatar, July 11, 2023, https://www.qatar.georgetown.edu/research/.
[210] ISGAP, “Cornell University’s Ten Billion Dollar Sale: Soft Power, Qatar, the Muslim Brotherhood and An Antisemitism Crisis on Campus” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2024), 7, 23.
[211] Ibid., 8, 31.
[212] Ibid., 6.
[213] Ibid., 20-21.
[214] ISGAP, “Columbia University From the Classroom to Campus Politics: The Normalization of Anti-Semitism, Anti-Democratization Politics, Marginalization and Intimidation” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2024), 32-33.
[215] ISGAP, “The Ongoing Failure to Report: Yale University, Qatar and Undisclosed Foreign Funding” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2024), 20-21.
[216] ISGAP, “Networks of Hate: Qatari Paymasters, Soft Power, and the Manipulation of Democracy” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2023), 29-30.
ISGAP, “The Ongoing Failure to Report: Yale University, Qatar and Undisclosed Foreign Funding” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2024), 18.
[217] ISGAP, “Cornell University’s Ten Billion Dollar Sale: Soft Power, Qatar, the Muslim Brotherhood and An Antisemitism Crisis on Campus” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2024), 28.
[218] ISGAP, “The Ongoing Failure to Report: Yale University, Qatar and Undisclosed Foreign Funding” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2024), 11-15, 18-19.
[219] ISGAP, “Columbia University From the Classroom to Campus Politics: The Normalization of Anti-Semitism, Anti-Democratization Politics, Marginalization and Intimidation” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2024), 25-30.
[220] ISGAP, “The Ongoing Failure to Report: Yale University, Qatar and Undisclosed Foreign Funding” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2024), 16-17.
[221] Ibid., 17-18.
[222] ISGAP, “Columbia University From the Classroom to Campus Politics: The Normalization of Anti-Semitism, Anti-Democratization Politics, Marginalization and Intimidation” (New York: Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, 2024), 30-31.
[223] Débora Rey and Isabel Debre, “Argentine Court Blames Iran And Hezbollah for Deadly 1994 Jewish Center Bombing,” AP News, April 16, 2024, https://apnews.com/article/argentina-1994-jewish-center-bombing-iran-investigation-36b4f9cbe20900d39d8f28477589a444.
[224] Richard Hall, “How Lebanese Descendants Are Shaking Latin America’s Politics,” The National, July 5, 2021, https://www.thenationalnews.com/world/mena/how-lebanese-descendants-are-shaking-latin-america-s-politics-1.767804.
Joze Pelayo, “¡Viva Los Arabes!: Underreported Stories of the Arabs of the Americas,” Atlantic Council, May 3, 2021, https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/menasource/viva-los-arabes-underreported-stories-of-the-arabs-of-the-americas/.
[225] Ibid.
[226] Joseph M. Humire, “After Nisman” (Washington, DC: Center for a Secure Free Society, June 2016), 12-13.
[227] Anabel Hernandez, “Brazil: The World’s Second-Largest Cocaine Market,” DW, August 29, 2019, https://www.dw.com/en/brazils-cocaine-trade-leaves-widespread-violence-in-its-wake/a-50188646.
[228] Emanuele Ottolenghi and Danny Citrinowicz, “Latin America’s Hezbollah Problem,” FDD, December 2, 2023, https://www.fdd.org/analysis/op_eds/2023/12/02/latin-americas-hezbollah-problem/.
Emanuele Ottolenghi, “How Hezbollah Fundraises Through Crime,” The Cipher Brief, July 2, 2024, https://www.thecipherbrief.com/column_article/how-hezbollah-fundraises-through-crime.
Emanuele Ottolenghi, “Underwriting Hezbollah Inc.,” Tablet Magazine, June 2, 2021, https://www.tabletmag.com/sections/israel-middle-east/articles/hezbollah-inc-emanuele-ottolenghi.
[229] Luc Cohen and Alexandra Ulmer, Explainer: Who Is Maduro Ally Alex Saab, Who Was Granted Clemency In Prisoner Swap?, December 20, 2023, https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/who-is-maduro-ally-alex-saab-who-was-granted-clemency-prisoner-swap-2023-12-20/.
[230] Richard Hall, “How Lebanese Descendants Are Shaking Latin America’s Politics,” The National, July 5, 2021, https://www.thenationalnews.com/world/mena/how-lebanese-descendants-are-shaking-latin-america-s-politics-1.767804.
[231] Christopher Woody, “3 Men Linked To Hezbollah Have Been Accused of Laundering Money In Miami Banks,” Business Insider, October 14, 2016, https://www.businessinsider.com/hezbollah-links-money-laundering-miami-united-states-banks-2016-10.
[232] Joseph M. Humire, “After Nisman” (Washington, DC: Center for a Secure Free Society, June 2016), 6-19.
United Against Nuclear Iran, “How Iran Exports Its Ideology: Mohsen Rabbani: Iran’s Principal Proselytizer in Latin America,” United Against Nuclear Iran, accessed July 8, 2024, https://www.unitedagainstnucleariran.com/ideological-expansion/mohsen-rabbani-irans-principal-proselytizer-latin-america.
[233] Emanuele Ottolenghi, “How Iran Is Making Inroads in South America,” The Dispatch, October 9, 2022, https://thedispatch.com/article/how-iran-is-making-inroads-in-south/.
[234] Marilyn Stern, “Emanuele Ottolenghi on Iranian Operations in Latin America,” Middle East Forum, December 23, 2022, https://www.meforum.org/63941/emanuele-ottolenghi-on-iranian-operations-in.
[235] Joseph M. Humire, “After Nisman” (Washington, DC: Center for a Secure Free Society, June 2016), 48-50.
[236] Ibid., 46-48.
[237] Florencia Montaruli, “The Peruvian President-Elect’s Ties to Pro-Islamic Republic Recruiters,” IranWire, June 23, 2021, https://iranwire.com/en/features/69796/.
Perú21, “Edwar Quiroga cae con 19 mil cartuchos de dinamita,” Perú21, August 4, 2022, https://peru21.pe/peru/edwar-quiroga-cae-con-19-mil-cartuchos-de-dinamita-edwar-quiroga-sendero-luminoso-inkarri-islam-dinamita-peru-apurimac-noticia/.
[238] Florencia Montaruli, “The Peruvian President-Elect’s Ties to Pro-Islamic Republic Recruiters,” IranWire, June 23, 2021, https://iranwire.com/en/features/69796/.
[239] La República, “Fiscalía dejó libre por ‘falta de pruebas’ a detenido con 19 mil cartuchos de dinamita,” La República, August 6, 2022, https://larepublica.pe/politica/judiciales/2022/08/06/ministerio-publico-fiscalia-dejo-libre-por-falta-de-pruebas-a-detenido-con-19-mil-cartuchos-de-dinamita-edwar-quiroga-vargas-cusco-pnp.
Behnam Ben Taleblu on the Elections in Iran Transcript
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